Nandini Ghosh, ed. Interrogating Disability in India: Theory and Practice. Dynamics of Asian Development Series. New York: Springer, 2017. 198 pp. $109.99 (cloth), ISBN 978-81-322-3593-4.
Reviewed by Shubhangi G. Mehrotra (SUNY at Buffalo)
Published on H-Disability (August, 2018)
Commissioned by Iain C. Hutchison (University of Glasgow)
Interrogating Disability in India: Theory and Practice is a welcome addition to the emerging field of disability studies, especially disability rights and activism, in India. With a compilation of eleven chapters penned by authors from multidisciplinary backgrounds in sociology, political science, social sciences, linguistics, history, economics, social work, and law, the volume approaches the concept of “disability” from interdisciplinary perspectives. The book begins by discussing the experiences of, and challenges faced, by disabled people throughout the world. Within this global context, the chapters then address lived realities of, and sociocultural-administrative impediments encountered by, disabled people and their caregivers in India. In her brilliant introduction, which is also chapter 1, editor and author Nandini Ghosh coherently weaves together the purpose of the essays that comprise the volume by illustrating their critical contribution to the movement of disability rights and activism in India. In addition to deducing how indigenous sociocultural, political, and legal perspectives inform “disability” experiences in Indian society, Ghosh also critiques the bureaucratic regimentation and poorly designed policies adopted by the Indian government since independence in 1947 and the substantial amount of work that still needs to be accomplished to successfully provide equal opportunities to the large disabled population within India. While highlighting the inefficaciousness of the various government acts and state policies designated for the disabled population, Ghosh also draws attention to the hierarchal structures within the disability activism model in which visible disabilities like blindness and locomotor impairments overshadow invisible disabilities, such as speech, hearing, and intellectual impairments— not just in the discussions of policy drafting and benefits but also in the demands for sustainable state-sponsored support systems. Ghosh concludes her introduction by proposing a reconceptualization of “disability” in India that, when intersected with other traits of differentiation, such as caste, class, religion, and gender, becomes a more sensitive identity, demanding comprehensive understanding and tailored policies to fight its stigmatization and oppression. Echoing similar sentiments, Shilpaa Anand, in the second chapter, critiques the use of “models” as limiting understanding of the diverse sociocultural contexts of the Indian disabled population and suggests the usage of “context-sensitive” theoretical and methodological tools. Tanmoy Bhattacharya, in the third chapter, argues that People with Disabilities (PwD) in workplaces and education are recruited “solely for the reason of diversity” as they are excluded from discussions on diversity. He contends that, in the absence of any agency and participation in these “progressive” measures, the diverse workforce comprising PwD becomes merely a “marker of spectacle” (p. 40). Bhattacharya corroborates his argument with data and examples that let him deduce the misrepresentation and inadequacy of several government schemes that fail/ed to incorporate the disabled population with the “normate” population in schools, colleges, and workplaces. Being able to provide a critical alternate viewpoint on the ineffectiveness of government policies for PwD, this chapter is useful in determining problems in the current structure and the substantial work that needs to be done to genuinely include the disabled population as a part of diversity groups in workplaces or educational establishments. In chapter 4, Rukmini Sen illustrates the “marked transformation” from the Persons of Disabilities Act of 1995 to be voiced by the 2014 Rights of Persons with Disabilities Bill by discussing the “importance of inclusion while pointing to the constraints as well” (p. 65). Examining the practical application of the Disabilities Bill of 2014 and other bills since 2011, Sen argues that the “bills falter on two counts around this section on home and family” and further oppresses women with disabilities and those serving as caregivers (p. 68). Citing some specific cases of sexual violence against women with disabilities both at home and in institutions, Sen highlights the major limitations of a bill that not only denies the reality of violence against disabled women but also fails to recognize their rights to seek justice and fails to provide for any support. In chapter 8, Ghosh examines the lived experiences of Bengali women with locomotor impairment, showcasing how sociocultural notions like that of bhalo meye (good girl) disables these women and oppresses them by denying them their femininity and sexuality. Ghosh illustrates how the use of such mobility aids as crutches, calipers, and wheelchairs depends on certain situational factors. Examining how the degree of disability determines choice of clothes and notions of beauty for these disabled women, she demonstrates how cultural stereotypes further stigmatize disabled women. Being perceived as asexual and unfeminine, disabled women are infantilized by their families and rarely considered fit for marriage. Despite the denial of their sexuality, disabled women constantly feel pressured to prove their chastity and morality as they are subjected to often sexual abuse and unwanted sexual urges from males both inside and outside their families. Given the current state of reported sexual violence in India, both these chapters are crucial in highlighting the predicament of disabled women whose voices are often marginalized. The critical issue of “conversion handicaps” is discussed in chapters 5 and 9. In chapter 5, Achin Chakraborty and Subrata Mukherjee, using the governmental National Sample Survey (NSS) 58th Round (2002) and 2001 census as their main sources of data, focus on the “specific aspect of capability deprivation of the disabled” and argue for better understanding of the “complexity of conversion handicap in order to design meaningful public policy” (pp. 78-79). Chakraborty and Mukherjee not only illustrate the influence of “living arrangements and marital status” on conversion handicaps but also deduce how having higher education affects the quality of life for male and female disabled persons differently (p. 78). In chapter 9, focusing on the population of PwD in the rural blocks of West Bengal, Ipsita Sapra emphasizes the need to shift the focus from individual challenges to institutional challenges that prevent PwD from securing effective livelihood opportunities. Critiquing the inadequacies of policies and programs, and the lack of accountability of administrative, educational, and institutional organizations, Sapra believes that these poorly designed programs, policies, and bureaucracies, ironically, act as conversion handicaps for PwD themselves. In addition to dealing with poor infrastructure, inaccessible sites, and a limited number of trained teachers per school, PwD often find themselves victimized and embroiled in “a relationship of subservience to the institutions and their representatives” (p. 160). Chapter 6 extends beyond the volume’s primary framework of physical disabilities. Shubhangi Vaidya examines the cultural conception and lived experiences and subjectivities of people with intellectual and developmental disability, and their caregivers, with a particular focus on autism in Indian society. Situating autism as a relatively new disability that often remains undiagnosed, and one that is only discussed among educated middle-class and urban populations, Vaidya makes demands for an indigenous model based on a nuanced understanding of sociocultural contexts and differences that can successfully support and enable PwD, their families, caregivers, and society in order to cope with the needs of autistic people. Advocating the establishment of supported living centers like Aadhar, Vaidya argues that they offer long-term benefits in fostering a sensitive and caring environment for people with different subjectivities.[1] Madhura Nagchoudhuri and Srilatha Juvva, in chapter 7, argue for a renewed understanding of “disability” as a socially constructed identity by illustrating different case studies and anecdotal evidence that examine the channeling of the “power within” in order to become empowered. The authors mostly use case studies of disabled people who are educated, are employed, and live in urban environments, but this leaves a huge proportion of the disabled population outside the scope of their study. Not all disabled people have the “privilege” or “power” to use “power within” to feel empowered. The authors themselves call their contestations as “merely points of view that are stated from an outsider’s perspective” (p. 114). It is therefore not surprising that the chapter seems not just limited in scope but also lacking in effectiveness to add much to the theme of the volume, which includes some well-rounded and well-argued essays corroborated with extensive research. The volume ends with two chapters, authored by Jagdish Chandar and Ghosh, that investigate the history and efficaciousness of the disability rights movement since Indian independence. Overall, Interrogating Disability in India synthesizes a wide variety of issues prevailing within the scholarship of disability studies into a coherent and meaningful analysis. Although the volume sporadically mentions the hegemonic oppression faced by the intellectually disabled populations whose disability remains widely invisible and marginalized in state policies and government acts, the volume itself, ironically, alienates “intellectual disability” by including just one dedicated chapter on the lived realities and impediments faced by the autistic population. The focus is primarily on the history and challenges of physical disability in India. Nevertheless, this collection is still a useful resource for academics and researchers engaging with emerging scholarship in disability studies in the Indian context. In addition to being a helpful manual for policymakers and disability rights activists, the volume also offers a basic understanding of the challenges and discrimination faced by the majority of the disabled population in India.
Note
[1]. Aadhar is the name of a vocational center that provides “a structured environment” to the adult autistic population where they “are engaged in making bags, costume jewellry, household decorative items, etc.” and receive training in “work skills and soft skills that will enable them to seek employment in semi-sheltered as well as open settings” (p. 107). The author uses italics to write the name of this vocational center, perhaps, because it is a Hindi word that translates into literal English as “foundation” or “base.”
